Bibliography

The task of this project was to inventory and characerize the archaeological landscape in portions of the Permian Basin MOA area tht are under-represented by previous archaeological inventory.

The Bureau of Land Management (BLM) Roswell Field Office retained SWCA Environmental Consultants (SWCA) to perform intensive surface documentation of the Burro Tanks site (LA 32227) in Chaves County, New Mexico. The project area consists of a single block survey of 476 acres in southwestern Chaves County, east of Hagerman and just south of New Mexico Highway 149 (NM 149). The survey area is located on the Cedar Point U.S. Geological Survery (USGS) 7.5-minute quadrangle map.

This report describes a survey undertaken for a multi-branch oil gathering pipeline located in Eddy and Lea Counties, New Mexico and Culberson, Loving, and Winkler Counties in Texas. The cumulative length of the various lines total almost 467 miles. Fourty-two new sites were recorded and 55 previously recorded sites wer revisited and of these 33 were commended as eligible for listing on the National Register of Historic Places for their research potential.

The ruins of seventeenth-century Franciscan missions are among the most imposing structural relics of New Mexico’s colonial past. Missions like the ones at Pecos, Guisewa, Quarai, Abó, and Las Humanas (Gran Quivira)figure prominently in the opening stages of organized archaeological research in New Mexico (Ivey 1988; Ivey and Thomas 2005; Kessell 1997). Together with surviving mission churches (at Acoma, Isleta, and several other pueblos), these ruins, stabilized and partly reconstructed, impress on modern visitors something of the tortuous encounter between Pueblos and Spaniards during the early colonial period between 1598 and 1680. Visibility can be misleading, however. Th e historical narrative of missionization efforts in New Mexico and elsewhere in Spain’s overseas colonies reveals a rather more complex picture than one conveyed merely by the largest physical remains stemming from those efforts (e.g., Christlieb and Urquijo Torres 2006; Gerhard 1977; Quezada 1995). In New Mexico, the focus on late-stage mission structures combined with a general paucity of spatially representative structural and stratigraphic data from both missions and their respective host pueblos means that the initial encounter between natives and missionaries in New Mexico is still underrepresented in the colonial narrative. And aside from the question of how missions were established, administered, and received during their founding phases, the development and role of smaller missions (visitas) that were not permanently staff ed and only sporadically “visited” by friars based at a neighboring cabecera or “head mission” also remains largely unknown (Bletzer 2011).

On the basis of his justly famed work, The Distribution of Aboriginal Tribes and Languages in Northwestern Mexico (1934), Carl Sauer is often credited with having assigned the little-known Concho and Suma of Chihuahua and the Jumano of West Texas to the Uto-Aztecan family. In fact, of the Concho he says (1983:59) that “Kroeber has determined their linguistic affinity with Cahita and Opata” and merely provides some additional documentary commentary and tribal names possibly bearing on the question. Concerning the Suma and Jumano, he only states rather obliquely (1983:65), “In the following records a discussion is presented relating these people to the south and probably to Uto-Aztecan peoples.” He cites four words obtained by Spanish explorers in 1581 but does not discuss them.

While the subject matter, recording, and evaluating prehistoric archaeological sites can be considered to be “dry,” these activities can lead to exciting new avenues of knowledge and understanding. By focusing on a small area of the ground surface the TRU survey method also brings into focus the reality that the distribution of artifacts and features across the landscape is not always neatly divided into well-defined sites.

Information about the prehistoric occupation of the Southwest Pecos Slopes physiographic region remains relatively unknown. This particular region has recenty witnessed a pronounced increase in oil-and-gas-extraction activities, nd the tract of land situated between the Black and Pecos Rivers was only just incorporated into the Permian Basin Programmatic Agreement (PA) study area. In order to improve the management abilities of the U. S. Department of the Interio Bureau of Land Management (BLM) and address critical data gaps for the region, the Carlsbad Field Offic (CFO) requested a detailed study to examine general trends in human settlement and land use across the study area.

Excavation of an inhabited cave…James Pickett had made the cave his home for the past thirty-five years in the Guadalupe Mountains, Eddy County, NM.

This booklet describes an experiment by the BLM in applying more-efficient, digital methods to conduct a computerized archaeological survey for ring middens using data gathered remotely through aerial reconnaisance and lidar technology.

Antonio de Espejo was born in the village of Torre Milano, a suburb of C6rdova. Nothing is known concerning his parentage and his early life. He came to Mexico in 1571 with Archbishop Moya y Contreras as one of the officials of the Inquisition to be put in force by Moya. In 1575 he petitioned that his three-year-old daughter Juana be declared legitimate and be made his heir. The legitimaci6n was granted. The daughter later married Pedro Gonzalez de Mendoza, brother of Fr. Juan Gonzalez de Mendoza, author of the famous Historia de la China (1585),
which contains an account of the Espejo expedition to New Mexico. It now appears that the historian was given an independent relacion by his brother, Pedro Gonzales, who went to Spain in 1584 as agent for Espejo.”

This project established a set of standards to be used by anyone conducting fieldwork in the PA area so that sites, features, and artifacts would be recorded in a consistent manner.

The debate among archaeologists about the nature of Pueblo political organization during the late prehistoric period has become rather polarized in recent years (Cordell 1979b; Cordell and Plog 1979; Plog 1979; Hunter-Anderson 1981; Upham 1982; Graves and Reid 1983; Plog and Upham 1983; Whittlesey 1983; Plog 1985; Upham and Plog 1986; Graves 1987; Lightfoot 1987). Unfortunately, third parties to this dispute are hindered by the fact that neither side has yet adequately published the data that ostensibly form the basis of their positions. While it is therefore difficult to evaluate the substance of the various arguments, the debate has helped to identify several issues of general anthropological interest.

This survey was an inventory of prehistoric and historic sites located in the Delaware River Valley to be used for the preparation of a National Register of Historic Places Nomination form. Information from the survey is also used for management of the Delaware River Area of Critical Environmental Concern, as defined by the BLM Carlsbad Field Office.

Edict Concerning a Council of War and Petition for Horses and Provisions for a Campaign against the Apaches

Documents Concerning Provisions and Livestock Given by the Conventos for an Expedition against the Apaches

The BLM contracted with TRC to conduct a joint archaeological and ethnographic inventory of nine areas on BLM managed land that are of potential importance to the Mescalero Apache. Although the present-day Mescalero Apache Reservation is restricted to a small part of northern Otero County, their aboriginal territory encompassed most of southeastern New Mexico, portions of west Texas, and extended into northern Mexico.

This report describes the results of the field examination of a 10 per cent stratified sample of 1,658 PA projects that were completed between May 1, 2013 and June 30, 2016.

The country explored, or at least visited, during the period of four years which the Archäological Institute devoted to American research, (exclusive of the year 1881, which was spent in Southern and Central Mexico,) lies between the 36th and 29th parallels of latitude North, and the 105th and 12th degrees of longitude West. Since the year 1884, when explorations were discontinued, I have, as often as it was feasible, made short tours of investigation into regions hitherto unknown to me. Although such excursions were wholly independent of my connection with the Institute, that connection terminating officially in January, 1885, I shall include here also whatever observations I may have been able to secure. They are not very important, still they contribute to render the general picture more accurate. The accompanying map will give an idea of the whole ground gone over, – mostly alone, on horseback or on foot. To one bent upon scientific observations, even journeys by rail become instructive and valuable. I have therefore laid down on the map mentioned the railroad trips also. In a country where the aboriginal population has been so completely dependent upon nature as the aborigines of the Southwest were prior to the sixteenth century, the topography and hydrography of the land, its natural history and meteorology, form the basis of archaeological researches. They furnish the key to the ethnological development of primitive man; through them we secure the explanation of most of the changes which he has undergone; they show to us, in a measure, how present ethnography has come to be to attempt historical studies anywhere, without first knowing thoroughly the nature of the country is a futile as to try astronomy without the aid of mathematics or mineralogy without a previous course of analytical chemistry.

The creaking carretas wended their way northward from waterhole to water hole along the long Camino Real de Tierra Adentro, reaching New Mexico in spring 1659 after months of travel from Mexico City. One wagon stood out. Quite distinct from the carretas, a large carossa, a covered wagon with bedding and curtains, carried Governor López de Mendizábal and his wife, doña Teresa de Aguilera de la Rocha. In a separate wagon rode their servants, among them, the mulatta Clarilla and the Black Ana de la Cruz, who would live in the Palace of the Governor in Santa Fe as the governor’s servants. His term would be tumultuous and unsettling to the missionaries, settlers, and Pueblo Indians of New Mexico, each for different reasons. While the Plains tribes appeared peripheral to events in New Mexico at the time, missionaries continued to venture among them, hoping to convert them to Christianity.

At Gran Quivira, N. Mex., are early historic remains of 17 Pueblo house mounds, numerous detached kivas, a small Spanish church , and a mission establishment. One kiva, the small Spanish church, and 37 Pueblo rooms were excavated. Unpublished data from previous excavation of the mission structures are summarized. Culture contact with the adjoining Mogollon is examined and their probable presence as the “gente rayada” of the Spanish considered. The probable effects of a culturally mixed group lacking social stability are explored as a contributing factor in the abandonment of the area and dispersal of the people about 1672, wellbefore the Pueblo Revolt of 1680.

During the years of Spanish exploration and colonization north of Mexico. Ihe South Plains was the scene of constant warfare between two nations oí Indians —Apache and Jumano. The Apache were the eventual victors, and remain an important Native American people
today. The Jumano were defeated and were driven from the Plains; after the early 1700s, there is hardly a mention of their name in the historical record.

Many late Pleistocene fossil localities contain the remains of multiple mammoths. Some of these sites have been interepreted as representing the massd death of an entire herd, or family group, of mammoths. These assemblages have been cited as evidence of intense human predation and used to reconstrcut mammoth population dynamics. However, these interpretations remain controversial because the taphonomic settings of many sites are still debated. To reconstrtuct the taphonomic setting of each site and the movement patterns of mammoths among sites, I used anyses of carbon, oxygen, and strontium isotope ratios in mammoth tooth enamel. The carbon isotopes of fossils vary with diet and local vegetation, oxygen isotopes vary with local climate, and strontium isotopes vary with local soil chemistry. if Pleistocene mammoths traveled together in small family groups, then mammoths from sites that represent family groups should have lower isotopic variability than mammoths from sites containing unrelated individuals. I tested this conjecture by comparing the isotopic variability among mammoths from two sites – one that represents the mass death of a single herd (Waco, Texas) – and then used these analyses to examine mammoths from three Clovis sites: Blackwater Draw, New Mexico; Dent, Colorado; and Miami, Texas. Low levels of carbon isotope variability were found to be the mostt diagnostic signal of her/family group association. Although the variability of oxygen and strontium isotope ratios proved less useful for identifying family group assemblages, these signals did provide information about the movement patterns of individuals among different sites. High levels of variability in each of the isotope systems at Clovis sites suggest that all of the sites examined represent time-averaged accumulations of unrelated individuals, rather than the mass deaths of family groups. In addition, analyses of the mean isotope values of Clovis mammoths show that although most mammoths from Blackwater and Miami had similar values, the values of Dent mammoths were significantly different. This demonstrates that the Dent mammoths belonged to a separate population and suggests that Clovis mammoths did not routinely undertake long distance (>=600 km) migrations.

The goal of the Permian Basin MOA Task Order 10 was to analyze 500 AMS radiocarbon samples collected from feature context by the Carlsbad Field Office Cultural Resource Staff (including recovering and identiyfing charcoal and/or burned annual remains from each of the samples prior to selecting the best item to date), as well as analyzing 500 duplicate samples collected at the same locations for environmental and subsistence related evidence using starch, phytolith, and macrobotanical analyses.

The objective of the investigation was to assess the effectiveness of magnetic survey methods for detecting buried archaeological features in this region, where the formation of relatively young sand dunes is thought to have obscured the locations of many archaeological features. Magnetic survey is one of the most commonly used archaeological prospection methods due to its speed, reliability, and cost effectivness. This study was unique in that it sought not only to determine whether magnetic survey could be used to map archaeological sites int his region, but also to more fully understand the magnetic properties of natural soils and sediments as well as those modified by sedimentary rock formed in semi-arid environments that is cemented together by calcium carbonate minerals.

This project involved archaeological recovery at two sites as part of a remediation effort following a produced water release from the Turner “B” South Tank Battery, which contaminated a portion of LA 171726 with chloride and (less extensively) hydrocarbons.

In this article, 1 present (1) the results of ax-ray fluorescence (XRF) sourcing analyses and (2) the relative frequencies of archaeological obsidian artifacts from three Late Prehispanic and Early Colonial period (A.D.1300 to 1670s) Jumanos pueblos in central New Mexico: Gran Quivira, Pueblo Blanco, and Pueblo Colorado. The XRF data suggest that the villages were relatively independent from one another in terms of the nonlocal social and economic relationships through which obsidian was acquired. At the same time, the analysis of the relative frequencies of obsidian suggests that at first the residents of Gran Quivira, adn then those of Pueblo Blanco, had greater access to obsidian than the inhabitants of the other two villages. Taken together, the results of these two analyses sugest that seemingly opposing relations of autonomy and differentiation may have characterized the long-distance social and economic activities of the residents of these pueblos and their relationships to each other.

The petroleum reserves of various Permian Basin production “horizons” – or strata, or formations, or plays – are hydrocarbon liquids and gases that started life in the Devonian and Permian geological times (400 to 250 million years ago) as carbon-based life forms.

Fill that included carbon-stained sediments from a fire-cracked rock concentration at site LA 121520 in Eddy County, southern New Mexico, was submitted for phytolith and macrofloral analysis. Charcoal recovered from the macrofloral portion of the sample was submitted for AMS radiocarbon age determination. The sample is expected to date to the historic period.

This book takes the accumulated knowledge from the last century of botanical, ethnobotanical, and archaeological research in the CFO-BLM region and summarizes it in a reference book that strives to appeal to both working archaeological professionals and members of the public.

The Hormiguero site is a large mountainside Apache residential site int he Peloncillo Mountains of southern Arizona that lies int eh heart of historically documented Chiricahua Apache territory. It represent an encampment at an important caching location, a category of residential site that has not been previously described archaeologically. Ethnographic data are enlisted to understand this unique type of Apache residential site and a previously unknown cache form – the platform cache. Archaeological evidence is combined from a number of sites with caches like those at Hormiguero to interpret aspects of cultural identity and chronology including the presence of ancestral Apaches in southern Arizona as early as the 14th century AD.

A prehistoric Jornada Mogollon site east of Artesia, New Mexico, was the subject of salvage mitigation. The site is postulated as a campsite used for food processing and lithic reduction. To augment the interpretation of the site, pollen, and macrofloral analyses were undertaken on material from Feature 2, a firepit. The site is located on a rolling plain southeast of Red Lake and immediately east of Bear Grass Draw.,

Permian Basin Programmatic Agreement (PA) Task Order Number 10 consisted of collecting 500 samples of soil containing charcoal and other charred material from features in previously recorded sites within the Carlsband, new Mexico Bureau of Land Management (BLM-CFO) field office. With a few exceptions, the samples were acquired from sites located in the Permian Basin PA area and small sites with one or two recorded features were chosen when possible. These samples were then examined in a laboratory to identify charred plant remains, as well as microscopic remains of starch and phytoliths produced by plants when they were alive. Charcoal from each sample was processed for an Accelerator Mass Spectrometry (AMS) radiocarbon date. AMS dates require only a small sample size and annual plant remains, for instance, acorn caps or fragments of sunflower plants, were dated if present. This article is focused on the AMS dates from the 500 samples.

Archaeologists don’t always dig in the ground to study the past. Sometimes they search the walls of caves, shallow rock shelters, and overhangs along canyons. They are looking for rock art, pictures in stone created by ancient humans. A team of archaeologists and rock art specialist explored four rock art sites on Bureau of Land Management (BLM) lands in southern New Mexico’s Eddy County and recorded what they found.

Examination of sites in the vicinity of Carlsbad, New Mexico, has revealed evidence of extensive usage of the area by prehistoric peoples. However none of the sites show evidence of either permanent occupation or even long-term occupation. Cultural materials recovered from these sites, including the materials in private collections, indicates marked variations reflecting the region’s use over time by a variety of peoples.

The La Junta district, Salt Flat Basin, the Guadalupe Mountains, and other areas of the Trans-Pecos are often accorded only passing reference, if they are mentioned at all, in culture history overviews of the Jornada Mogollon region. Likewise, the Jornada Mogollon region is often given limited attention in culture histories of the eastern Trans-Pecos. Cultural events and processes in the La Junta district and Jornada Mogollon region are distinct and rightfully should be viewed within their specific environmental, ecological, and cultural contexts. However, of equal significance is the interplay between Prehistoric and early Historic groups throughout these and more distant regions of the Southwest. Again, these issues reflect our scale of inquiry. By focusing on single regions, adaptive patterns and processes that transcend regional boundaries are often overlooked. A combined focus on the regional and the transcendent can provide a more realistic vision of prehistory, not only for the Trans-Pecos but also for the greater Southwest, north-central Mexico, the Southern Plains, and central Texas.

When the earliest Spanish explorers arrived in the Paso del Norte area, they found it already inhabited by native populations. These groups, the Mansos and Sumas (along with the Jumanos and Apaches), have provided a rich ground for debate as to their origins and relationships with each other. Few early contacts were reported by the Spaniards, and little ethnographic and/or linguistic information was recorded, leaving researchers a scant account from which to draw in explaining the background and origin of these groups. For the same reasons, relationships with surrounding native groups, such as the Janos and Jocomes are difficult to ascertain. Historically, vision becomes more clouded with the introduction of the Tiguas and Piros into the area after the Great Pueblo Revolt of 1680.

Humans have lived on the Mescalero Plain for over 10,000 years. The traditional view of past Native American societies inhabiting the plains is one of the ancient hunters and gatherers moving across the landscape according to the seasons or the more recent arrival of horse-mounted groups after Europeans introduced horses to the region in the 1600s. This publication presents a new side to the story of the Mescalero Plain. Sometime around 600 years ago, a pueblo was built on a small ridge in what is now southeastern New Mexico. The site is called The Merchant Site.

Humans have lived on the Mescalero Plain for over 10,000 years. The traditional view of past Native American societies inhabiting the plains is one of the ancient hunters and gatherers moving across the landscape according to the seasons or the more recent arrival of horse-mounted groups after Europeans introduced horses to the region in the 1600s. This publication presents a new side to the story of the Mescalero Plain. Sometime around 600 years ago, a pueblo was built on a small ridge in what is now southeastern New Mexico. The site is called The Merchant Site.

Humans have lived on the Mescalero Plain for over 10,000 years. The traditional view of past Native American societies inhabiting the plains is one of the ancient hunters and gatherers moving across the landscape according to the seasons or the more recent arrival of horse-mounted groups after Europeans introduced horses to the region in the 1600s. This publication presents a new side to the story of the Mescalero Plain. Sometime around 600 years ago, a pueblo was built on a small ridge in what is now southeastern New Mexico. The site is called The Merchant Site.

Spanish colonization of the northern Southwest in the seventeenth century coincided with extensive abandonment of large Pueblo villages. This period of abandonment has been conventionally understood as a consequence of population decline. An examination of archaeological settlement patterns in two areas of the Rio Grande region of New Mexico, the Jemez Plateau and the Rio Abajo, during the period A.D. 1515-1700 reveals occupation at many more sites than those identified in historic documents. The patterns of settlement indicate the maintenance of long-standing mobility practices on the Jemez Plateau. In the Rio Abajo, there are significant population shifts as a consequence of movement to communities outside of the area, and from large to small settlements. These settlement changes during the first centuries of colonial rule demonstrate the use of established Pueblo settlement and mobility practices to respond to the new challenges of Spanish domination. They also indicate that abandonment during the early historic era cannot automatically be equated with population decline.

Approximately 346 species of vertebrates are represented in the Quaternary fossil record of New Mexico. These include 4 fishes, 1 salamander, 13 anurans, 5 turtles, 19 lizards, 23 snakes, 119 birds, and 162 mammals. Some 22 taxa are from the vicinity of the Blancan/Irvingtonian transition, 12 most likely are Irvingtonian, and 4 are possibly Illinoian in age. Although many sites are undated with precision, most remaining sites probably are Wisconsinan, with well over 300 taxa.

Four months had passed since the pueblos of New Mexico had rebelled, and now the Spaniards were back in an attempt to recoquer their lost land. By mid-December 1680, Governor Antonio de Otermín and a small army were camped on high ground along the Rio Grande in view of the pueblos of Alameda, Sandia, and Puaray, all near present Albuquerque. The north wind blew gusts of cold air, cuasing the loose ends of their tents to flap incessantly, and the snow-bearing clouds reflected a pale light throughout the night across “the fields and sierras all covered with snow.” Otermín and his men hoped to understand the immediate causes fo the revolt that stemmed from long-range issues revolving around Spanish sovereignty and Indigenous territoriality.

Southeastern New Mexico is renowned not only for its remarkable geology but for the long history of human occupation recorded in its vast and varied landscape – a hsitory we are still picing together. Many question are still being answered: What rocks did the ancient inhabitants of the region use to make stone tools? Where did they find these materials? What remains at these location that might help us understand the techniques they used to produce these tools?

Both prehistoric cultures and historic Native American tribes (most likely Apache, Comanche, and Kiowa) created the rock art at the 21 sites studied during the project. However, it is noted here that the term “deep history” is gaining traction as a way of avoiding the artificial separation of history and “pre” history, particularly when it comes to rick art that often represents a symbolic and narrative account of past beliefs and experiences, or what Carolyn Boyd (The White Shaman Mural, 2016) has called the earliest “book” in North America.

This report analyzed 256 sites located within the PA Area in terms of the questions posed int he Southeastern New Mexico Regional Research Design and Cultural Resource Management Strategy which guides PA research. The 256 sites had been sampled by Carlsbad Field Office archaeologists to produce 533 radiocarbon dates and information about plants that had been burned as fuel, as well as limited information about plants used as food or for other purposes.

Spanish archives and libraries hold immense documentary source materials bearing directly and indirectly on the history of the Native peoples of North America. This survey hopes to provide some stimulus to specialists in the field who are contemplating the possibilities of research in Spain, although in these few pages only the most general orientations regarding location and potential interest of the materials can be given.

In the fall of 1644 Don Pedro de Perea, governor of the province of Sonora, arrived in Santa Fe, the capital of New Mexico. Don Pedro was seeking Spanish colonists to settle and serve as soldiers in his recently created jurisdiction. During the preceding decade, prospectors from the mining towns of Parral and Santa Barbara in Nueva Vizcaya had traveled west, crossed the Siera Madre, and found evidences of rich silver and gold deposits near the headwaters of the Bavispe, Sonora, and San Miguel rivers in northeastern Sonora. News of these discoveries was welcomed in New Mexico, for the inhabitants depended upon limited trade relations witht he merchants of Parral and saw the mineral districts as possibly offering new markets for their products. During the years that followed, New Mexicans – merchants and govenrment officials in Santa Fe – sought to develop trade with Sonora, but found their efforts hampered by the absence of a highway, hostile Indians, and vast distance. Although no direct road was opened between New Mexico and Sonora during Spanish times, the repeated attempts that were made to establish such a route revealed a great deal about the rugged terrainand the ongoing Apache problem on the Sonora-New Mexico border.

Ruzel Ednalino, a graduate student at the University of California at Berkeley, was one of nine student interns at the Carlsbad Field Office this past summer. He volunteered for the Archaeology Department, but he also had an opportunity to learn about the BLM careers. He has written this article describing his summer experience in the Carlsbad Field Office.

The synthesis of data from 116 excavation sites in the Permian Basin MOA area marks the first task in the BLM’s special mitigation program.

This report presents the results of the documentation of and limited testing at the Boot Hill site (LA32229) in extreme northeastern Eddy County, New Mexico conducted by TRC under Task Order 4 of the Bureau of Land Management’s (BLM) Permian Basin Mitigation Program for the Carlsbad Field Office.

Other than a scattering of frontiersmen, no other defensive force existed at Casas Gran des to oppose the outbreak of the Suma revolt in May I 684. The nearest available garrison was the presidia at El Paso, formed from New Mexico refugees in 1683. Reluctantly sent to Casas Grandes by the new governor of the exiled colony of New Mexico, the El Paso contingent quickly found themselves plagued by the rebels’ ability to elude the Spaniards almost at will. In addition to the New Mexican Roque Madrid, captains who would dominate the military effort in the far north now begin to make their mark. The Apaches have appeared in force and the Spanish commanders have come to the realization that the Suma, Janos, and Manso rebels are in league with them and together have formed an aggregate force against the incursions of the Iberians.

When Spanish explorers arrived in the American Southwest in the sixteenth century, the greatest concentration of settled farming villages was in the Rio Grande Region. Some ninety-three pueblos were located in an area that stretched south from Taos Pueblo 215 miles along the Rio Grande rift valley, in addition to outlying areas to the east and west. Within the Rio Grande Region the general settlement pattern in the 1540–1598 contact period consisted of loose groupings of linguistically related pueblos that occupied specific drainage areas.

Between December 2012 and January 2013, archaeologists from Statistical Research, Inc (SRI) conducted geologic and archaeological studies at 14 previously identified archaeological sites, 2 small survey parcels inspected for archaeological remains, and 3 locales visited solely for the geologic study, all located in Eddy, Lea, and Chaves Counties in southeastern New Mexico. The sites and survey areas occupy a range of geologic settings. All 19 areas were utilized prehistorically.

This paper is partly a summary of and partly a series of selections from a longer study on the subject of the inspection of military posts in New Spain by Pedro de Rivera in the third decade of the eighteenth century. The facts selected from the longer study, for the main parts of this paper, relate to his travels in Texas and in three other provinces of New Spain which were nearest to Texas: namely, New Mexico, Coahuila, and Nuevo León. Preceding these facts is an introductory explanation of the origin and the general nature of his entire journey of inspection. The explanation is derived from official papers written in Madrid and in the City of Mexico. The description of the selected portions of his journey is based upon, and quoted from, his own diary of that event. This paper was read at the meeting of the Texas State Historical Association in Austin, Texas, on April 24, 1937.

This report presents the results of the documentation, limited testing at LA 5148, as well as the typological, and attribute level of analysis carried out on existing Lea County Archaeological Society (LCAS) artifact collections recovered from the site. Performed on behalf of the Bureau of Land Management (BLM), Carlsbad Field Office, Eddy County, New Mexico, under the BLM’s Permian Basin Mitigation Program, Task Order 05 was carried out under Archaeological Resource Protection Act (ARPA) permit 45-8152-10-30 and BLM survey permit 45-2920-09-TT with the goal of providing a more comprehensive interpretative assessment of prehistoric use at LA 5148. Based on the significance of the sites reported in the vicinity, the area surrounding LA 5148 was designated a National Register Archaeological District in 1989 (NRHP #89001209)and added to the State Register in 1990 (HPD#1520). Positioned along the western margin of the Laguna Plata basin, LA 5148 is within the greater Laguna Plata Archaeological District, Lea County, New Mexico (Figure 1.1). This proposed project fulfilled the responsibilities mandated under the Task Order 4 Scope of work issued on January 26, 2010 and awarded March 3, 2010. Because of this project, cultural materials were documented and archaeological data were recovered from the site. Task Order 4 was conducted in accordance with the National Historic Preservation Act (NHPA), 36 CFR 800, and other relevant laws (ARPA permit 45-8152-10-30), regulations, standards, and guidelines and provides a critical tool in the future management of archaeological resources contained within the site. Subsequently, this information will contribute to the BLM’s Land Study and provide a valuable tool in the future management of federally owned lands in southeastern New Mexico.

In the early part of the seventeenth century the Piro, who have been classed as belonging to the Tanoan linguistic family, consisted of two divisions, one inhabiting the Rio Grande valley from the present town of San Marcial in Socorro county, New Mexico, northward to within about fifty miles of Albuquerque, where the Tigua settlements began; the other division, sometimes called Tom-piros and Salineros, occupying the desert stretch east of the river in the vicinity of the salt lagoons, or salinas, where it bordered the eastern group of Tigua settlements on the south. The western or Rio Grande branch of the Piro was visited in 1540 by members of Coronado’s expedition, in 1580 by Chamuscado, in 1583 by Espejo (who found them occupying ten villages along the river and in others near by), in 1598 by Ofiate, and in 1621-1630 by Fray Alonso Benavides who relates that they were settled in fourteen pueblos along the river.

Jumano is a frequent designation in Spanish and French historical sources dealing with the aboriginal inhabitants of northern Mexico, New Mexico, and Texas, between the late sixteenth and the mid-eighteenth centuries. There is little agreement about the identity of the Jumano; among the several linguistic affiliations proposed are Uto-Aztecan (Sauer 1934) and Athapaskan (Forbes 1959). One widely accepted position (Scholes and Mera 1940) maintains that the term was simply a general designation for Indians who were rayados – i.e. who practiced facial painting or tattooing. Thise paper reviews the historical division of the Tiwan subfamily of Tanoan, probably most closely affiliated with Piro. The ubiquity of references to the Jumano is explained by the active involvement of segment of this population in interareal trade.

The Carlsbad Field Office (CFO) of the Bureau of Land Management (BLM) contracted with Versar, Inc. to re-excavate site LA 43414 (also known as the Merchant Site), which contains a number of surface structures and a few structures in pits, all constructed in the 14th and early 15th centuries. This public brochure draws from the technical report of those excavations.

The Merchant site (LA 43414) is a Late Prehistoric Period pueblo settlement located in the southeastern corner of New Mexico near the boundary where the basin-and-range region merges with the southern Plains. The Merchant site is reprsentative of the Ochoa phase, a poorly understood time period of southeastern New Mexico dating from around A. D. 1300/1350 to 1450. The Ochoa phase, and the El Paso and Late Glencoe phases of the closely related Jornada Mogollon region to teh west, are contemporaneous with the Pueblo IV period of the greater Southwest, the Antelope Creek phase of the southern Plains, and the Toyah phase of Central Texas. As such Merchant and other Ochoa phase settlements were part of the widespread patterns of opulation aggregation, migrations, and diasporas, and accompanying developments in social and ritual organization that occurred throughout Southwest , northern Mexico, and southern Plains during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.

In an article which recently appeared in the AMERICAN ANTHRPOLOGIST Paul S. Martin furnished evidence that the bow-drill, hitherto thought to be confined to northern North America, was used by the Pueblo Indians of the Southwest. I am able to confirm Dr. Martin’s conclusion of a southern extension of the distribution of the bow-drill by data I have gathered from the Mescalero Apach Indians, who ranged, before reservation days, over what is now western Texas, southeastern New Mexico, and northern Mexico. According to my Mescalero ifnormants the bow-drill was employed for making fires by those who had difficulty with the hand-drill. The use of the latter was much more common, however.

Technical report of prehistoric archaeological investigations in the Brantley Project locality. Prepared for the Bureau of Reclamation, Southwest Regional Office in fulfillment of contract no.3-CS-57-01690.

For the first time, all imaages on stone located with in the Abo Unit of Salinas National Monument have been recorded. This dissertation begins an initial exploration into meaningful patterns of cultural interaction between the art of Abo Pueblo and its physical landscape. Rock art, a product of human social behaviors, shapes and defines landscape space. Traces of these behaviors are analyzed with new tools available with Geographic Information Systems (GIS) software.

Vicente de Zaldívar was an officer during the Spoanish conquest and colonization, under the command of his maternal uncle, Juan de Oñate. This statement of servicios rendered to the Crown provides biographical information on both Zaldívar and his father, and recounts historical events from Nueva Galicia to New Mexico. Of special interest is the account of Zaldívar’s 1601 punitive campaign against the Jumanos, a significant but hitherto obscure event in New Mexican colonial history.

Regional economic transactions in early-colonial New Mexico (1598-1680) have frequently been overlooked as archaeologists and historians focused on large scale, long-distance trade in the imperial economy or smaller scale household production. The few discussions of the regional economy, transactions within the colony, have generally described it as “primitive” and “crude.” There was, however, an active regional economy during this period that resulted in movement of goods between colonists’ and native peoples’ households. The nature of these interactions depended largely on the social identity of the household. In addition, the movement of goods bound households socially as well as economically. Analyzing economic interactions on the regional scale provides a better understanding the colonization process in general because economic restructuring is one way in which empires integrate newly conquered territories. In early-colonial New Mexico, more specifically, economic interactions formed one bridge between the individual household economies and the imperial economy.

Ysleta del Sur, 15 miles south of El Paso, Texas, was established in 1682 for refugee Tigua Indians who abandoned the old Isleta pueblo, near Albuquerque, New Mexico, during the Pueblo Revolt of 1680. Despite loss of pueblo lands, intermarriage with non-Indians, and the acculturative influences of a dominant Mexican population, the Tigua of Ysleta del Sur have retained an Indian identity and tribal organization. Officially recognized by the federal government in the spring of 1968 as a surviving tribe of American Indians, they are presently active in reinterpreting and revitalizing their Indian heritage.

Historians who have studied the Indian tribes of Texas and northern Mexico have long been bedviled by a simple question – what happened to the Lipan Apaches? Where did they go? How could one of the largest Indian tribes in Texas – with a population estimataed in 1762 at 3,000-5,000 people and possibly as many as 8,000 – be reduced by 1904 to 225 persons officially identified as Lipan Apaches living on a reservations in New Mexico and Oklahoma?

This article critically examines recent anthropological theorizing about indigenous tribalism using ethnographic and historical data on the Piro-Manso-Tiwa Indian tribe of New Mexico. Debates about constructionism, neo-tribal capitalism, and propirietary approaches to culture provide valuable insights into recent indigenous cultural claims and political struggles, but also have serious limitations. The approach taken in the article, ‘tribal synthesis,’ emphasizes process, agency, interdependence, and changing political and cultural repertoires of native peoples who seek survival amidst political domination and internal conflict. Such an approach can apply the best of recent critical theory in an advocacy anthropology that suppoort indigenous struggles.

The scholar who is studying the American Indian is frequently faced with the difficult task of dealing with a vast number of large and small aboriginal groups which disappeared prior to the time when ethnologists and linguists could record anything of their language, culture or socio-political organization. This problem is particularly acute in the area of the southwestern United States and the north of Mexico, for in this region great changes occurred prior to 1821 and many Indian groups were obliterated before the coming of observers with scientific inclinations.

Among the hundreds of folios of archival dcuments pertaining to the 1680 Pueblo Revolt and its aftermath, one item of singular interest is a letter to the Viceroy, dated 19 June 1693, from the Franciscan procurador general, Fray Francisco de Ayeta. Drawing feely on his own and Governor Otermin’s eyewitness testimony, Ayeta describes, in a succinct, and compelling narrative, events of the Pueblo Revolt, including the siege of Santa Fe and the governor’s providential escape, the precarious conditions for the survivors, and their eventual entrenchment in El Paso.

BLM archaeologists from the Carlsbad Field Office shared archaeological findings and promoted stewardship of cultural resources in the Permian Basin with local Boy Scouts, their families, representatives from Xcel Energy, and the region’s review archaeologist from the State Historic Preservation Office (SHPO).

Ethnographic records of yucca plants (Yucca sp.) are mostly asssociated with leaf processing to obtain fibert used for cordage. Charred spiny yucca leaf bases have been recovered from shallow thermal features at numerous sites in southern New Mexico and the norther part of Big Bend Country, Texas.