Bibliography Records

Antonio de Espejo was born in the village of Torre Milano, a suburb of C6rdova. Nothing is known concerning his parentage and his early life. He came to Mexico in 1571 with Archbishop Moya y Contreras as one of the officials of the Inquisition to be put in force by Moya. In 1575 he petitioned that his three-year-old daughter Juana be declared legitimate and be made his heir. The legitimaci6n was granted. The daughter later married Pedro Gonzalez de Mendoza, brother of Fr. Juan Gonzalez de Mendoza, author of the famous Historia de la China (1585),
which contains an account of the Espejo expedition to New Mexico. It now appears that the historian was given an independent relacion by his brother, Pedro Gonzales, who went to Spain in 1584 as agent for Espejo.”

The country explored, or at least visited, during the period of four years which the Archäological Institute devoted to American research, (exclusive of the year 1881, which was spent in Southern and Central Mexico,) lies between the 36th and 29th parallels of latitude North, and the 105th and 12th degrees of longitude West. Since the year 1884, when explorations were discontinued, I have, as often as it was feasible, made short tours of investigation into regions hitherto unknown to me. Although such excursions were wholly independent of my connection with the Institute, that connection terminating officially in January, 1885, I shall include here also whatever observations I may have been able to secure. They are not very important, still they contribute to render the general picture more accurate. The accompanying map will give an idea of the whole ground gone over, – mostly alone, on horseback or on foot. To one bent upon scientific observations, even journeys by rail become instructive and valuable. I have therefore laid down on the map mentioned the railroad trips also. In a country where the aboriginal population has been so completely dependent upon nature as the aborigines of the Southwest were prior to the sixteenth century, the topography and hydrography of the land, its natural history and meteorology, form the basis of archaeological researches. They furnish the key to the ethnological development of primitive man; through them we secure the explanation of most of the changes which he has undergone; they show to us, in a measure, how present ethnography has come to be to attempt historical studies anywhere, without first knowing thoroughly the nature of the country is a futile as to try astronomy without the aid of mathematics or mineralogy without a previous course of analytical chemistry.

The debate among archaeologists about the nature of Pueblo political organization during the late prehistoric period has become rather polarized in recent years (Cordell 1979b; Cordell and Plog 1979; Plog 1979; Hunter-Anderson 1981; Upham 1982; Graves and Reid 1983; Plog and Upham 1983; Whittlesey 1983; Plog 1985; Upham and Plog 1986; Graves 1987; Lightfoot 1987). Unfortunately, third parties to this dispute are hindered by the fact that neither side has yet adequately published the data that ostensibly form the basis of their positions. While it is therefore difficult to evaluate the substance of the various arguments, the debate has helped to identify several issues of general anthropological interest.

Regional economic transactions in early-colonial New Mexico (1598-1680) have frequently been overlooked as archaeologists and historians focused on large scale, long-distance trade in the imperial economy or smaller scale household production. The few discussions of the regional economy, transactions within the colony, have generally described it as “primitive” and “crude.” There was, however, an active regional economy during this period that resulted in movement of goods between colonists’ and native peoples’ households. The nature of these interactions depended largely on the social identity of the household. In addition, the movement of goods bound households socially as well as economically. Analyzing economic interactions on the regional scale provides a better understanding the colonization process in general because economic restructuring is one way in which empires integrate newly conquered territories. In early-colonial New Mexico, more specifically, economic interactions formed one bridge between the individual household economies and the imperial economy.

Other than a scattering of frontiersmen, no other defensive force existed at Casas Gran des to oppose the outbreak of the Suma revolt in May I 684. The nearest available garrison was the presidia at El Paso, formed from New Mexico refugees in 1683. Reluctantly sent to Casas Grandes by the new governor of the exiled colony of New Mexico, the El Paso contingent quickly found themselves plagued by the rebels’ ability to elude the Spaniards almost at will. In addition to the New Mexican Roque Madrid, captains who would dominate the military effort in the far north now begin to make their mark. The Apaches have appeared in force and the Spanish commanders have come to the realization that the Suma, Janos, and Manso rebels are in league with them and together have formed an aggregate force against the incursions of the Iberians.

When Spanish explorers arrived in the American Southwest in the sixteenth century, the greatest concentration of settled farming villages was in the Rio Grande Region. Some ninety-three pueblos were located in an area that stretched south from Taos Pueblo 215 miles along the Rio Grande rift valley, in addition to outlying areas to the east and west. Within the Rio Grande Region the general settlement pattern in the 1540–1598 contact period consisted of loose groupings of linguistically related pueblos that occupied specific drainage areas.

The creaking carretas wended their way northward from waterhole to water hole along the long Camino Real de Tierra Adentro, reaching New Mexico in spring 1659 after months of travel from Mexico City. One wagon stood out. Quite distinct from the carretas, a large carossa, a covered wagon with bedding and curtains, carried Governor López de Mendizábal and his wife, doña Teresa de Aguilera de la Rocha. In a separate wagon rode their servants, among them, the mulatta Clarilla and the Black Ana de la Cruz, who would live in the Palace of the Governor in Santa Fe as the governor’s servants. His term would be tumultuous and unsettling to the missionaries, settlers, and Pueblo Indians of New Mexico, each for different reasons. While the Plains tribes appeared peripheral to events in New Mexico at the time, missionaries continued to venture among them, hoping to convert them to Christianity.

At Gran Quivira, N. Mex., are early historic remains of 17 Pueblo house mounds, numerous detached kivas, a small Spanish church , and a mission establishment. One kiva, the small Spanish church, and 37 Pueblo rooms were excavated. Unpublished data from previous excavation of the mission structures are summarized. Culture contact with the adjoining Mogollon is examined and their probable presence as the “gente rayada” of the Spanish considered. The probable effects of a culturally mixed group lacking social stability are explored as a contributing factor in the abandonment of the area and dispersal of the people about 1672, wellbefore the Pueblo Revolt of 1680.

During the years of Spanish exploration and colonization north of Mexico. Ihe South Plains was the scene of constant warfare between two nations oí Indians —Apache and Jumano. The Apache were the eventual victors, and remain an important Native American people
today. The Jumano were defeated and were driven from the Plains; after the early 1700s, there is hardly a mention of their name in the historical record.